TUGAS BAHASA INGGRIS BISNIS 2
Disusun Oleh :
Muhamad Imron Maulana
24112798
JURUSAN/PROGRAM
STUDI SISTEM KOMPUTER
FAKULTAS
ILMU KOMPUTER DAN TEKNOLOGI
INFORMASI
UNIVERSITAS
GUNADARMA
2016
Moving too slowly towards
an ASEAN Economic Community
14 October 2014
Author: Jayant Menon, Asian Development Bank
Launched as a political bloc and security pact in the aftermath of the
Vietnam War, ASEAN has evolved to embrace an ambitious economic agenda. Its latest project
is to establish the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 31 December 2015. But is
this likely? The blueprint for
achieving the goal envisages the AEC standing on four pillars and meeting the
deadline depends on progress on each of them.
There have been a number of noteworthy achievements on the first pillar of
realising a single market and production base. The greatest success has been in
tariff reduction. Following the implementation of the ASEAN Free Trade Area,
common effective preferential tariff rates between the ASEAN-6 (Brunei,
Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand) fell to
virtually zero. As a result, more than 70 per cent of intra-ASEAN trade incurs no tariff and less than 5 per
cent is subject to tariffs above 10 per cent. With tariff rates largely
irrelevant, leaders need to prioritise eliminating non-tariff barriers.
Some progress has been made in trade facilitation and investment
liberalisation. The National Single Window — a one-stop shop to speed customs
clearance — has gone live in the ASEAN-6. In addition, these economies now
approximate international best practice in investment liberalisation. But the
four newer ASEAN members — Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam — lag in both
areas.
Trade in services has seen less liberalisation partly because it has a
much shorter history than trade in goods and is harder to grasp. Agreements
have been finalised to mutually recognise qualifications for some services, but
the number of such services needs to be expanded and agreements need to be
implemented in ways that improve mobility for skilled labor.
To achieve the second pillar of a highly competitive economic region,
competition policy needs to be improved and the protection of intellectual
property rights strengthened. These are difficult areas to reform. Questions
remain regarding how effective a regional approach can be compared with
national action or a multilateral approach. Standards harmonisation and
regulatory convergence may offer considerable benefits to ASEAN as it develops
its regional market. But developments with the ASEAN+6 Regional Comprehensive
Economic Partnership (RCEP) may supersede this.
To achieve the third pillar of equitable economic development, the huge income and development
disparities among ASEAN members must be addressed. Such disparities are
inconsistent with the idea of economic community, however conceived. The
Initiative for ASEAN Integration is one of several arrangements that have been
proposed to help close the development gap and accelerate the integration of
newer members. While such initiatives may be helpful, progress must come from
within the newer members themselves as they institute broad economic reform
that promotes trade and investment — as they have been doing.
The fourth pillar of full integration into the global economy has seen the
greatest strides, which has enabled a thriving ‘Factory ASEAN’. Progress to
date underlines how liberalisation has been driven more by market forces and
unilateral actions than by regional agreements. ASEAN’s long-standing
commitment to openness is one of its defining features and needs to be
burnished to sustain and advance regionalism in Southeast Asia.
Each of the four pillars presents a demanding set of challenges to be met
before the AEC can be fully realised. One challenge that cuts across the four
pillars is achieving greater engagement with the private sector and the broader
community. The AEC may be led by governments, but it cannot succeed without
fully engaging business and the public at large. Efforts to prepare the private
sector have enjoyed negligible success and public awareness is equally abysmal.
This needs to change quickly if the AEC is to make a difference.
Although ASEAN has come a long way toward realising its goal, the
challenges that remain suggest that the AEC will not meet its approaching
deadline. The AEC Scorecard, ASEAN’s self-assessment mechanism, suggests that
the region achieved only 76.5 per cent of the AEC targets that were due by
March 2013. The AEC Scorecards further reveal that the pace of reform seems to have slowed, partly because
the process has reached the more difficult parts of the reform agenda. Even if
the pace picked up now and ASEAN managed to hit its remaining targets, the real
test for the community would lie beyond 2015.
Accommodating AEC accords will not be easy when they require changes to
domestic laws or even the national constitution. The flexibility that
characterises ASEAN cooperation, the celebrated ‘ASEAN way’, may hand member states a
convenient pretext for non-compliance. How to enforce the accords remains an
issue. If the AEC is to be more than a display of political solidarity, ASEAN
must find a way to give the commitments more teeth. The 2015 deadline should be
viewed not as the final destination but as a milestone on
the slow and long journey towards
the AEC.
Jayant Menon is Lead Economist at the Office of Regional Economic
Integration,Asian Development Bank, and Adjunct Fellow at the Arndt-Corden Department of
Economics, the Australian National University.
The views expressed in this paper draw upon the ADB-ISEAS publication, The ASEAN
Economic Community: A Work in Progress, but are those of
the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the
Asian Development Bank, its Board of Governors or the governments they
represent.
Response
Responding to an article Given that there have been so many wars in
Vietnam, it might be possible to consider August 8, 1967 – the day ASEAN was
founded – as being in the “aftermath of the Vietnam War.” But, since it was a
successor organization to the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA), which dates
back to 1961, the idea that either group was a response to what we usually
think of as the Vietnam War is a bit of a stretch. It was more of a response to
China than Vietnam.
The
Vietnam War comment caught my attention too since 1967 was the middle of the
war. But as the author said, that’s not really important.
I think education on Asean and what is actually happening is a
problem. Talk about missed opportunities.
Yesterday I was looking at the schedule of specific commitments
for the Asean Framework Agreement in Services (AFAS). Thailand’s 5th package of
commitments for the Limitations on Market Access, under the sector Tourism and
Travel Related Services, for Mode 3, Thailand put “None” on Hotel Lodging
Services. Someone from an Asean country could have opened a hotel and had 100%
ownership under this agreement. Thailand and has since fixed this in the 8th
Package of Commitments.
Point being, not enough is being done to educate people on what
is agreed to so they can take advantage of the AEC.
I’ve
read the ASEAN Declaration and no where in it does it say it was “launched as a
political bloc and security pact in the aftermath of the Vietnam War.”
In fact, one of the founders,THANAT KHOMAN, wrote in 1992,
“Another principle to which we anchored our faith was that our co-operation
should deal with non-military matters. Attempts were made by some to launch us
on the path of forming a military alliance. We resisted; wisely and correctly
we stuck to our resolve to exclude military entanglement and remain safely on
economic ground.”
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